Japanese Honorific Language

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Japanese Honorific Forms ( Keigo ) in Second/Foreign Language Learning Shan-Hung (Caleb) Lee ID: 300-219-430 Supervisor - Dr. Kaya Oriyama Co-Supervisor - Dr. Emerald King This thesis is submitted to the school of Languages and Cultures for the master degree in Second Language Learning & Teaching 17 October 2016 !

INDEX Abstract ?..?..??..??..??..??..??..??..??..??..??..??..??..? ??.. 1 Introduction ?..?..??..??..??..??..??..?..???..??..??..??..??..? ? 2 Chapter 1 - A Historical Overview of Keigo ???..??..??..??..??..??..?..? ? 4 1.1 - Cultural & Religious Influence on Language ?????..????.???.? 3 1.2 - Language Behaviour of Japanese women ???????..????.??? 8 1.3 - Standardisation in Meiji era ???????????????????.?? 9 Chapter 2 - The Structure and Formality of Keigo and Japanese society ???.??? 12 2.1 - Social Hierarchy ?????..???????.?????????.??.? 12 2.2 - Concept and Structure of Keigo ????????.???????.???. 14 2.3 - The Categories of Keigo ???????????..??????..???.. 19 2.4 - Lexical Items of Verbs in Honorific Forms ???????..??????? 21 Chapter 3 - Experience and The Practical Methodology in Learning and Using Keigo ? 29 3.1 - The Survey Data Collection ????????????????????.. 29 3.2 - The Result of The Survey ???????????????..???..??. 30 3.3 - The Morphological Variation of Keigo and Learners? Adaptability in reality Practice ???????????????.???????????.?? 31 3.4 - Segmental Awareness and Mental Rotation .?????????????. 32 3.5 - The Practical Methodology of Learning and Mastering Keigo ??????. 33 3.6 - Constant Conversation After Self-Study ???????????????. 34 3.7 - Online media and traditional Japanese classical literature ?..?????? 35 Limitation ???????????????????????..???????? ??. 36 Conclusion ???????????????????????..?????..???? 37

Tables: Table 1 - Addressing terms for other people ?????????????..?..???.? 6 Table 2 - Addressing terms for themselves (speakers) ????????????.??? 6 Table 3 - Formal vs general ??.???????????.?????????????. 7 Table 4 - Personal pronouns ??????????????????????.??..? 17 Table 5 - Level of formality of terms of addressing terms (suffixes and personal pronouns) ???.???.????.????.????.????.????.????.???? ??. 17 Table 6 - Examples of Teineigo ?????????????????.???.???? 28 Figures: Figures 1 - Japanese feudal system ?????????????????????? 13 Figure 2.1 - Circumstance 1 The ordinary employee is saying ?this is my boss? in three different ways . ????..? 18 Figure 2.2 - Circumstance 2 When the ordinary employee is talking directly to the superior ??????????.. 19 Figure 3.1 - Principle 1 - Replacing the entire word (with the forms of honorifics) ??.. 22 Figure 3.2 - Principle 2 - Grammatical forms of honorifics (Morphological variation) ?.. 23 Figure 4 - Passive form and Double affixes (Circumfix) ?????????..???.? 23 Figure 5.1 - Kenjogo part 1 ?????????????????????????? 25 Figure 5.2 - Kenjogo part 2 ???????????????????????..?..? 26 Figure 5.3 - Kenjogo part 3 ????????????????????..???..?? 26

Abstract Japanese language has been considered one of the most complicated languages due to its sociocultural perspectives and the difficulty of learning/understanding formal language conventions for non-native speakers.The most significant aspects of Japanese language is its honorific forms, known as Keigo. The reason behind it is that Japanese culture is well-known for respecting things or people from different level of social class or status which are higher than their own (Miwa, 2000). The effective use of Keigo involves the various form-changes for different formal social environments, hierarchies and situations. Foreigners who intend to work and live in Japan usually find it difficult to deploy formality in their daily life. Perhaps because Japanese formal language is extremely complicated when compared with other languages and cultures Keigo represents the most respectful elements of Japanese language which intermediate/Advanced Japanese learners need to know, in order to help them to fully understand this aspect of Japanese culture. Keigo shows respect to people in a higher dominant social position with particular sets of language formation. Within certain circumstances, at work or at home, there is a unique language exchange that takes place between speakers and listeners in terms of politeness. This level of formal interaction is considered an essential cultural perspective in Japan since the pre-modern time till present (Matsumoto 1988). Today, Keigo is considered one of the most difficult aspects of Japanese language, even native Japanese speakers still find it hard to communicate at work with keigo . For foreign/second language learners of Japanese, quite often students who aim to have a better understanding and knowledge of Japanese language and culture are also doing their best in studying Keigo . This thesis will examine Japanese honorific forms as understood by foreigners in second/foreign language learning, with an emphasis on sociocultural aspects of the Japanese society. �1

Introduction Japanese language is well-known for repeated emphasis on politeness and humanity. When I started learning Japanese language for the first time in high school, I had always been in the situation which I had to deal with formality and appropriate words heavily involved with emotion, respect, and manner. My own experiences is in trying to understand the intricacies of Keigo are the driving force behind this thesis. I am interested to see how other SL/FL learners of Japanese learn and gain an understating of Keigo . Keigo can be translated into English as ?honorific language?. It can be considered a formal system of politeness in Japanese. This J-style politeness os far more structured than watching ones ?Ps and Qs? in many European or English speaking countries. Wetzel (2004) states that Keigo comes in several categories of language use depending on style, formality, and gender, particularly in situations related to work or social class. These categories allow speakers to express their feelings without being offensive. If the speakers were to criticise something or not be happy about something or some one, they will have to hide their emotions by using a suitable ?behaviour? language forms. Brown and Levinson (1987), and Hugh (2007) found that the Keigo is a type of complicated verbal formality that enables speakers to express their thought and opinion in both formal and informal circumstances. Based on different sentence endings, Keigo can be divided into three types: 1. u§x‡b (Sonkeigo ) are humble forms that describe the action of people whose position is higher than the speaker on a vertical hierarchy. 2 bù†Ob (Kenjogo ) are humble forms that describe a fearsome?s actions humbly to the listener regardless whether or not these when actions directly involve the speaker. 3. ßCb (Teichogo ) are forms that are less humble and used toward people whose status is equal lower than the speaker. Japanese speakers can identify the level of politeness, and also define whether the speaker has used Keigo in the appropriate manner, just by listening to or reading the conversation . �2

However, for many second/foreign language learners, it is difficult to understand the correct way of applying and using Keigo with other people in different circumstances due to the lack of authentic environment (in classroom situation). Keigo is also quite hard to master even for native Japanese speakers as it requires all Japanese language learners, both native & non-native speakers to constantly identify and examine the formality of any given conversation. As mentioned earlier, as Keigo mostly covers the use and the politeness of language in work, and other social situation, it is almost impossible to experience and get the structure of Keigo right without enough practice or an authentic environment. This thesis will first examine the historical background of Keigo before exploring how it is used for business, and other formal situations, both in verbal and written communications. Finally, I will analyse the survey results on Keigo use by foreign/second language learners of Japanese language. �3

Chapter 1 - A Historical Overview of Keigo Every language has one peculiar aspect of particular beauty. This aspect is often due to a specific moment or historical event. Often it is this aspect that, unsurprisingly, attracts non-native language learners throughout this thesis, it will become apparent they are strong links between language and culture.This chapter will discuss the crucial historical factors of the origin of the keigo and how it is related to current day Japanese culture and society. 1.1 Cultural & Religious Influence on Language Keigo is the only language structure for expressing politeness. Since 8th to 12th centuries (710-1185) , there is a strong link between language practice and religious practice. These language practices dictate the formality of tradition of Japanese used in communicating with Gods, and form part of the culture (Kitagawa 1987) . Originally, there was no such thing as Keigo in Japanese language rather formal/ polite language was a part of the worship practice that was both animistic and shamanistic, as well as polytheistic. Miwa (2000) and Pizziconi (2011) argue that the origin of Keigo came from the traditional Japanese superstition. These beliefs are strongly linked to the term ?Samsara? which means pain and suffering in Buddhist religion. It is also known as ?Rinne ? in Japanese, which refers to the life-cycle of human beings, and determines one?s fate based on the balance of good and evil deeds performed during a life time; as well as how much they fear and worship deities (Chang 2013, Epstein 2013, Kitagawa 1965). As they dwelled on such on-going religious concept, gradually, Japanese people started creating terms of politeness for addressing the gods or outstanding natural phenomena such as Žw (sama ) is a common word that is used to address gods in Japanese religion such as Shinto and Buddhism. The result is that the people become �4

familiar with the power of the Gods and Goddess whom they worship to express the highest respect. However, such a traditional religious concepts eventually spread into wider usage in Japanese society. This development of such religious terms can be further defined referring to the work of Greetz (1993) and Cook (1998) who claim that when Japanese people started to show respect in the way they addressed Gods or Goddess, they also bought such practices into wider society. For example, during the Heian period, Japanese people had already created a linguistic system for proper formal language based on the social statues of a given speaker. Greetz (1993) states that in any culture, people will build a communicative system with proper terms for interacting with others depending on classes and status. Heian period Japan was the starting of Japanese formality in language, speech, and culture (LaMarre , 2000). During this period, there was lasting peace. In Heian society, the nobles held the most powerful position in society. In this vertical hierarchy, ordinary people started to differentiate their position in society and the relation between the speaker and listener as a way to categorise themselves. This language system became a standard method of communication in informal society, but was not considered necessarily essential in language established by the government. Rather it was used by a sense or will of honouring and respecting others in a senior position by manifesting their roles in the society in speaking or writing. In short, Japanese people in different classes would communicate with one another based on their position and listeners, referents? positions with a suitable terms. As mentioned earlier, Japanese people have a deep sense of fear and respect toward things or people they worship. This type of sense was also applied to society as a practice of formality and respect. Therefore, Heian period Japanese took the matter of address very seriously when communicating with people from different classes. �5

The following are the examples of the common terms that Japanese people use to addressing themselves and other people in different social classes. Ta b l e 1 . Addressing term for other people Ta b l e 2 . Addressing terms for themselves (speakers) In Heian society, Japanese people started to apply concepts of religious language practice when addressing deities as equivalent to people from higher class. In this way respect language toward people whose position is higher than yours was akin to worshipping gods . Geertz (1993: 90) states that ?religious symbols formulate a basic congruence between a particular style of life and specific (if, most often, implicit) metaphysic?. In Heian Japan, specific terms to address and communicate with other people were used as a practice of politeness by considering speakers, audience, relative positions in society. In areas such as work, the relation between people of higher, lower and mutual positions was clearly formed because each one of them started to communicate using proper terms of name addressing ( Shirane 2013, Frellesvig 2010). Term Relationship between speaker and listener Žw (sama) Lower -> Higher © (dono) Lower -> Higher ¸ (mikoto) Lower -> Higher Term Relationship between speaker and listener ;Æ (sho-min) Lower -> Higher v J (do-shi) Mutual �6

The study by Takiura (2005) found that the basis of honorific language was established and extended as an awareness in social hierarchy. Speakers need to consider all the essential facts related to their positions; (target), (matter), (personal) (statues) and so on, and listeners (also known as receivers) will need to give the proper response based on how the information is presented and who is in the position of dominating others. Hence, special verbs and adjectives were used for dealing with certain contexts with one absolute principle. The following table is an example of language forms between formal use and general use. Ta b l e 3 . Formal vs general From table 3, it can be seen that the formation of an absolute polite is more complicated than general one. Based on Takiura?s theory, when people are facing people in a higher classes, the more beautiful and complicated the form of addressing will become, as it is considered as a form of praise from the lower class ?worshiper?. Meanwhile, it is also a way of showing respect by avoiding direct conversation, as direct language can be seen as inappropriate, even offensive way of address using different form endings, other people can also understand the relation between the speaker and the listener (Takiura 2005: 111-112). Generally speaking, the life style in Heian period was deeply connected with formality and politeness in language behaviours which were systematically created and established as a social hierarchy to maintain the the social structure. Meaning Formality levelZZ}o4 (yoi-desu) = good general gyi}jlZ”o (sayou-degozalu) = good absolutely polite�7

1.2 Language Behaviour of Japanese Women As people started adopting and practicing the language formality and politeness in the society, in the Heian period more new terms were created and commonly used day by day for certain purposes. Japan, a country where women are more restricted in their lives, behaviours, and language choices. Although fundamentally everybody in the society were following and obeying the principle of language formality, in general, there were still quite a lot of differences by gender. For example, men had more freedoms and chances to express their opinion and thought with less complicated language form than women (Ide 1990) . Japanese womanhood is considered as ?beautiful and obedient? (Kingdachi 1942). According to ?traditional? family structure of Japan, men play the dominant role sustaining the society. Women on the other hand, play the secondary role as an assistance for men. In terms of family, although men are the ?head? of the family, they do not usually, if ever participate in any house work at all. In this case, housework were seen as women?s duties (Nakane 1970, Murayama 2005, Bernstein 1991) . In other words, the society from was very feudal in pre-modern period (1600-1868). From Heian eras (794-1185) up to Edo eras (1603-1868), Japanese women?s language was strictly designed to show that women were in a very low position, and considered as to be ?absolute obedient to men? and not ?independent as man in the society and enjoy the freedom? (Ueno 1987). Therefore, the language that Japanese women used in feudal society was entirely different and more sophisticated compared to men? language. This is because in Japanese culture, there has long been a need to distinguish the difference between men and women. ?Men are strong, and woman are weak?. In terms of speech style, women?s speech was soft and beautiful based on their occupations (Yukawa & Saito 2004), Men?s are lacking in strong words and phrases. �8

In Kyoto regional dialect, one that is renowned for its soft feminine sound, the phrase such as; ``c� (Ōkini thank you), and ( ž£m›`Xb  yorosh ūoagari you are welcome) are both equivalent to standard Japanese phrases like ( X b~\ arigat ō thank you) and ( Zum”m| dōitashimashite you are welcome). However, ``c� (Ōkini ) and ž£m›`Xb  (yorosh ūoagari ) are phrases particularly used by Japanese Maiko and Geisha (traditional Japanese art performers) in their address, as this expresses the beauty of a ?traditional? Japanese woman in speaking. Men do not use both phrases, because it is specifically for Japanese Maiko and Geisha. These phrases are also considered a formal way to show respect to people in higher positions, but for female speakers only (Kyoto Ry ōri Gaseikai 2008, Gion Marikiku 2008, Bardsley & Miller 2011). 1.3 Standardisation in Meiji era (1868-1912) Fundamentally, there was never one set ?origin? of Japanese Keigo , regardless of the many changes in Japanese language regarding formality before the Maiji era (1868-1912). Keigo is not something that has been unified by the Japanese government in terms of standard forms of Japanese language in society, rather Keigo is a social and cultural convention of Japanese language. During the Edo period (1603-1868), Japan was under the isolation policy which was issued by the Tokugawa Shogunate against Western countries from the date to late 1800s. Japan was effectively shut off to foreign relations, and Westerners were forbidden to do business or bring their cultures and education into Japan. There was only Dejima in Nagasaki that was opened for foreigners to enter Japan under these restrictive conditions until 1853 when the black ships from America under the command of captain Mathew Perry arrived in Uraga Japan, and opened the business trading by firepower (Beasley, 1984). �9

The forcible opening of Japan was the beginning of a massive amount of Western culture entering Japan and altering the lifestyle of Japanese people. This was also an opportunity for European countries other than the Dutch to establish their businesses in Japan in addition to America. In such a period, a great amount of foreign literature and knowledge also passed into Japan. Japanese people also started to accept Western literature and education in Meiji period and well into the following Taisho period (1912-1926). As foreign culture gradually entered Japan with the opening windows for foreigners in Meiji period, the Meiji government also tried making developments in the economy, medicine, technology, and education as a way of becoming a ?modern? nation. Therefore, foreign language communication was often conducted in various fields with Westerners. For example, medical knowledge was largely adopted from Germany, meaning that German was the language of medicine. In such a multilingual environment, the Japanese language gradually took the next step to become ?modern? and systematic (Jansen 2015, Saito 2009, Vlstos 1998). In terms of maintaining a good communication with foreign countries, the Meiji government sponsored the learning of foreign languages. In addition, the Meiji government wanted to create a standard language system based on Tokyo dialect. Hence, linguistic development of Japanese in Meiji period was in its highest peak. There were many foreign scholars of literature and linguistics who brought knowledge in different languages into Japan. According to the study of Keigo in Meiji period by Wetzel (2004), most foreign language literature were Latin-based Western methodology and were used as a pattern in reforming Japanese language by Japanese scholars. Also Japanese scholars found that in foreign languages, the speaker and listener share a special relation with certain forms and structures based on social context. This was extracted and combined with the aspects of �10

Japanese language from Heian up to Meiji period with the Latin-based Western methodology as a frame work. This way of modifying the language by retrieving elements of other language is known as language intervention (Larsen-Freeman & Cameron 2008). Through such a method, the aspect of Japanese language was reformed to create a new standardisation that contains all the essential language behaviour and levels of politeness that expresses the Japanese formality, otherwise known as ? Keigo ? (Neustupn ý 1974, Tokunaga 1992 ). �11

Chapter 2 - The Structure and Formality of Keigo and Japanese Society After Keigo was officially created and applied in the Japanese society, Japanese people took such language expressions much more seriously. As mentioned in the previous chapter, the Meiji government wanted to create a new way to reform and unify Japanese language, which kept its historical aspects and features of politeness, as well as the linguistic knowledge of frameworks of other foreign languages. This unified language system became as symbol of Japan as a brand new modern nation. When Keigo was first presented as one of the symbols of a reformed of Japan, it brought the formality of Japanese language into a new realm. Gradually, the Japanese started to see Keigo as the centre of Japanese culture, within which, the manner and politeness were widely practiced and adopted to define the formality of Japanese culture and society. In this chapter, I am going to introduce the structures and principles of Keigo with reviews of Japanese social hierarchy from the Meiji era to present. 2.1 Social Hierarchy Japanese society is well-known for its restriction and complication of social identities within a vertical hierarchy. This hierarchy has a specific philosophy that keeps Japanese society running (Lebra 1992), and shares the same principle of hierarchy as other historical Western culture which was defined as King rules people, and people obey the king. People in the lower positions, on the other hand, have no choice but to live under the ruling of people in the higher positions. In the present day Japan, people are still living in the society where this philosophy is widely applied and used. This is because modern Japanese society was formed based on feudal neo-confucian concepts (Lehmann 2010, �12

Slote & De Vos 1998) from the Edo era. The social system in the Edo period was formed by many social organisations. According to following figure 1, from the emperor down the segregation between people from one class to another is clear. In each class, there are social aspects in which the people need to act and behave based on what social identity they have (Esyun, Shumpei & Creighton 1985, Lane 1992) as it is a way of representing and expressing themselves to one another. Figure 1. Japanese feudal system From the Kamakura period onwards, the warrior class of Shogun and high ranking Samurai dictated domestic policy, education system and social order (Hall 1962). In terms of language behaviours women are required to be extremely formal and careful with the words and phrases they use, even when it comes to communicating with people of the same class. This was because of the ?tradition? that women should be less dominant than men. However, even with these restrictions women of upper classes have much more Social State OccupationClassThe Head of the NationEmperor FigureheadPolitical Leader Shogun Nobles DaimyosUpper ClassWarriors SamuraiFarmers and FishermenPeasants Middle ClassCrafts PeopleArtisans Sales PeopleMerchants Lower Class�13

freedom to chose to be less formal than those from the lower classes (Schooler & Smith 1978) . As a result of the long reaching impact of this rigid social hierarchy, working places in modern Japan maintain a sense of formality of the language and behaviour. In Japan, companies are still very persistent with concepts of hierarchy to maintain the human relation between workers and supervisors as ?master? and ?servant? (Yoshimura & Anderson 1997). Fielding (2004) found that the reason behind this has its origins in the days of Japan from Heian period up to Edo period. The Edo period saw a segregation of class (see Figure 1), as well as between different Samurai families and clans. The strong takes the land and rules all, and the weak have no choice but to succumb. In order to survive, the weak have to show good faith in obeying the strong by being fearful and respectful, so that he/she may have a chance to live. In other words, if we use this philosophical idea to view the circumstances of working place in Japan, we could say even though the time has changed, the formality and respect of the language and behaviour remain within the work place hierarchy as in medieval Japan. 2.2 Concept and Structure of Keigo The principle of Keigo is showing humbleness and respect to others based on social status and interpersonal or intercultural relations. Keigo is manifested in a series of conjugations and set phrases that see the ending of the sentences changed according to two fundamental principles. These are the listener and word choices. Users of Keigo generally will consider who their listener is in order to determine what level of politeness they should be using. If the relation between the speaker and the listener are equal, then it is unlikely to see the formality of Keigo in the conversation, but when one has a higher social position than the other, then whoever starts the conversation �14

need to determine how polite the language is that they need to use by selecting the most appropriate form in the sentence to match the way they address the listener. For example: 1.Takaki (Manager, person A) → Imai (Manager, person B). Relation = Good Formality = Unnecessary Takaki: Ky ū sake o nomi-ni-ikunoka? (are you going to drink sake today?) Imai: Omae ha ikunara ore mo iku. (If you are going, I will go too.) 2. Takaki (Manager, person A) → Yamamoto (Boss, Person C) . Relation = Good Formality = Necessary Takaki: Shach ō, Ky ū sake wo nomi-ni-ikimasenka? (Boss, are you going to drink sake today?) Yamamoto: iia, Ky ū wa gomen da. (No, I don?t think so.) A vital concept that is deeply connected with Japanese honorifics is Jyogekankei which can be translated as ?social hierarchy?. Within this hierarchy, users of Keigo will also need to consider the relation between the ?speaker? and the ?listener?. Therefore, if the listener whose position is higher than the speaker, the listener will be seen as Meue , written with the character S (eye) and ä (above), someone who is Meue is literally the speaker/ Keigo user?s eyeline. If it is another way around, the user will be seen as Meshita , which blow the eyeline. Haugh (2005) states that these kinds of relations define the social status of each person. Haugh also discusses the reason why Meue and Meshita are used in Japan to describe the relation between one person and another. Meue and Meshita come from one person views another person?s social position. If the position of the keigo user (speaker) is �15

lower than his/her receiver (listener), then it seem that the user is looking up at the receiver from the bottom by lifting his eyes. Based on Haugh (2005), we can see that Japanese speakers will always address the listeners properly by selecting the most appropriate suffix or form of the verb or adjective then start the conversation. This is simply an impact of the relation between two individual speakers; the user and speaker, in terms of being aware of whom they are speaking to. This is a signal which is known as ? Maeoki ? in Japanese (Yotsukura 2005, Warner & Arai 2001), the signal that begins the conversation. Then both speakers will use ?Keishou ? (Satomi 2008, Mogi 2002) the addressing term, as hierarchy marker to address their listener to show the respect. When a speaker is engaged in a conversation, the first thing that they need to consider is the correct way of addressing their listener, and how to refer to themselves. The studies of the principle of Keigo by Ide (1982: 358) defines this kind of social awareness as ?person references?. According to a speaker?s status and relations, these statues are shown in a change of suffixes to personal pronouns. Each word choice has a certain degree of politeness involved, that depends on gender, location and topic. Siegel (2000) also found that when both speakers engage in the conversation for the first time, they consciously address their opponent with a proper suffix or personal pronoun. By doing so, they are simultaneously aware of what proper forms they need to use for verbs and other nouns, to avoid unnecessary conflict by being impolite or too formal. When there are circumstances in which the superior is involved in a topic or the speaker is directly facing the superior, instead of using addressing suffix or personal pronoun as a hierarchy marker, Japanese people will simply use the superior?s position in a company or organisation, such as ?boss?, or ?directer?. This language behaviour is seen as formal as the use of suffixes and personal pronouns (Lebra 2004: 114). �16

However, the speaker is not allowed to use any direct personal pronoun directed to their superior, as it is considered as rude and impolite. As for direct conversation, which involves any second persona singular (you), the speaker will just simply address the superior with his/her title. Ta b l e 4 . Personal pronouns Ta b l e 5 . Level of formality of terms of addressing terms (suf?xes and personal pronouns) Pronouns Abbreviation Example First Person Singular FPSIFirst Persona Plural FPPWeSecond Person SingularSPSYo u Second Person Plural SPPYo u a l lThird Person Singular TPSHe, She, ItThird Person Plural TPPTheySuf?xes Personal pronouns Personal pronouns Formality level Respect (to opponent)Respect (to opponent)Humble (speaker him/her or themself)High(SPS & TPS)~„ (©) - Dono ~k” (Žw) - Sama (TPP)~aeZ (q– ) - Kakui None(FPS)¥uem (:) Watakushi(FPP)¥¢¥¢ ( o8 ) - WarewareAverage (SPS & TPS)~k© - San ~e© (�) - Kun (SPP & TPP)~uw (‡ˆ) - Tachi (SPS)X€u (cë
Ü /cëzG ) - Anata(TPS)ˆ~ (H ) - Hito au (
Ü ) - Kata (FPS)¥um (:) - Watashi ’e (s! ) - Boku (FPP)¥um uw (:uw ) - Watashitachi�17

The addressing terms which are contained in table 5 are commonly used in Japanese work places. Each one of these terms express certain feelings toward the targeted person. This is the reason why these terms are selected for use by Keigo users depending on the relationship between the user and the receiver. For example, when this relationship between speakers is close, formal conventions may lessen or be dropped entirely (Edigar 1983: 114, Vogel 1971 ). One of the ways this drop in formality is shown is by using a personal pronoun instead of a title. Figure 2.1 Circumstance 1: The ordinary employee is saying ?this is my boss? in three different ways. Suf?xes Personal pronouns Personal pronouns Low (SPS &TPS)~w™© - Chann (For someone who is very very close )(SPP & TPP)~Ÿ - r a (SPS)c• (� ) - Kimi X©u - An-ta `”^ (`sn ) - Omae ck” (cëŽw ) - Kisama (derogatory)(TPS)a¢ ( ‚ ) - Ka-le a„n� ( ‚zG ) - Ka-no-JyoX„H /s„H - Ano/sono hitoXZz /sZz - -Aitsu/soitsu(FPS)`¢ (rÙ ) - Ore Xum - Atashi (Old people only)¥m - Washi (FPP) `¢Ÿ (rÙŸ ) - Orera XumŸ - Atashira ¥mŸ - Washira GeneralGood relation with the superior The relation is very good (Skipped formality)‡Âˆþ -Žw}ZŸym™Z”o (Bucho- Sama -De-irasshaimasu ) ‡Âˆþ}o (Bucho-Desu ) ‡Âˆþvr (Bucho-Daze ) �18

Figure 2.2 Circumstance 2: When the ordinary employee is talking directly to the superior These examples shows that the term of address depends on the personal relationship between the department manager and the ordinary employee. When there is a close personal relationship, the ordinary employee could either maintain his/her formality or choose to omit it. If this relationship is not present, instead of showing closeness, the lack of formality could be seen as an insult. 2.3 The Categories of Keigo After speakers determine how polite they need to be by determining their relationship to their listener, and selecting a particular addressing marker or personal pronoun, the next thing Keigo users need to identify the most proper verb formation. This verb formation needs to be equal to the same level of politeness as the addressing marker General Ordinary Emplyee - Bucho , konban Izakaya ni Irashaimasenka ? (Meue) Chief, would you like to go to bar with my tonight ? (go( Iku ) became Irasharu (honori?c for Iku , formal to superior) 
 
Department manager - O! Ijaneka? iku zo! Chikokusurunayo! (Meshita) Why not? don?t be late !!! (go( Iku ) does not change, Informal to the employee) Relations between ordinary employee and Department managerb are very goodOrdinary Employee - Bucho , konban Izakaya ni ikimasenka ? Chief, do you want to go to bar tonight? (go( Iku ) become Ikimasu (polite/neutral) Department manager - O! Ijaneka? ikuzo! Chikokusurunayo Why not, let?s go tonight ! don?t be late !!! �19

which they have already selected. This is done by understanding the model and concept of each verb in honorific forms for each level of politeness and case. As mentioned before, once the speakers understand who they are talking with by giving proper suffix or personal pronoun, simultaneously they will select the correct forms of the verb in honorific (e.g. ZŸym™Z”o ), or modify and add the suffix in the ending of the verb (e.g ` �†  �€  ”o ,  a¢ ”o ) (see figure 4 & 5). In Keigo , there are three main categories (see appendix 1), that determine the formality verb and extra-modest noun, and adjectives; u§x‡b (Sonkeigo - honorifics), bùcO b (Kenjogo - humble expressions), and ßCb (Teineigo - polite languages) (Miura & McGloin 1994) . The verbs from these categories are all formed or changed with morphological variation that allows the speaker and listener to identify and distinguish the social distance and hierarchy as a signal, though there are no gender agreements in these forms. (Siegel 2000: 269). It should be noted that Japanese tends to omit certain particles or subjects during the oral conversation, and mostly respond with verbs when the relation of both speakers are very close. (Kume & Sato 1989). Hence, Japanese Keigo can be used in the sentence without being associated with any particles or subjects which are directly related to the listener during the on-going conversation.Therefore, both speakers can understand what each other are saying just by verb and whether he/she should start using Keigo. �20

2.4 Lexical Items of Verbs in Honorific Forms The primary aspect of Keigo is that there are always common honorific and non- honorific use in different situations with one particular morphine as stems or even a new form. Often, the Japanese verb is well known for having its Honorific style shifted during different situations more frequently than nouns and adjectives. In Japanese, the nominative case in noun, adjective and verb changes according to how the sentence is formed (Matsumoto 1993). Furthermore, the Honorific direction that was discussed in Maeda, Kato, Kogure and Iida (1988) explains that every Japanese honorific form has one unique attitude toward certain directions. This can be characterised into four levels; up, down, flat, and across (p.140); these levels identify the direction of whom the honorific form is directed at. For example, if the honorific direction is up, this means that the honorific forms is initiated by the speaker of a lower position (Meue), and the person who he/she is talking to or about is definitely higher than him or her. If the direction is flat, it means both speakers are equal and the honorific form in this case will be initiated from both speakers. Across, on the other hand, is a sub category of flat, and it specifies that both speakers are equal, but one or both of them may or may not choose to use honorific toward his/her listener or in return. The variation of honorific verbs can be created by adding a prefix or suffix, or by replacing the entire structure with a different form (irregular form). This has to be done according to the level of the politeness, and the signal the speaker receives. To categorise the politeness of each Keigo type from the most polite to general; Sonkeigo , Kenj ōgo then Teineigo . Each category represents one particular form and variation that is particularly designed for the purpose of expressing proper respect in a particular circumstance (Hori 1986). In this section, I will use the verb; ?to go? e (Iku ) as an example of honorific �21

forms in replacing and modifying morphological elements to demonstrate the variation and formality of each level of politeness in different circumstances in general. Sonkeigo , can be translated as ?the language of absolute respect?, when speakers are talking to/about the person who is superior, or people in a higher or distant social position, this is the form that describes the targeted person. This is regardless of weather or not the speaker are facing him/her directly, or talking about him/her elsewhere. The speaker is actually paying respect by showing others just how much esteem this person commands. The honorific forms of the verb ?to go? ( Iku ) are explained in the following section (see also appendix 1 - (Miura & McGloin 1994: 110). Figure 3.1 Principle 1 - Replacing the entire word (with the forms of honorifics) The verb iku in this case did not become a honorific by adding the additional suffix, but rather, it was completely replaced by a different verb ZŸym™¡ (irassharu ), which has three different meanings, all of which describe the action of the superior; to go, to come and to be. For example, Z¡ (iru ) - to be, and v¡ (kuru ) - to come. Honorific direction: Situation:e (iku ) → ZyŸm™¡ ( irassharu ) Speaker → Superior Speker is talking about their Superior The boss goes to US this monthShacho wa kongetsu amerika ni irassharu I go to US this monthBoku wa kongetsu amerika ni Iku The boss is in USShacho wa amerika ni irassharu The boss will come hereShacho wa koko ni irassharu �22

Figure 3.2 Principle 2 - Grammatical forms of Honorifics (Morphological variation) In General, there are only about twelve verbs that have new forms in each category of Keigo , including Sonkeigo . However, in terms of addressing everything of the superior, there are two other formations that are commonly used. These forms are as formal and as respectful as replacing the entire verb with a new one. The first one does not require replacing the entire verb, but simply makes the verb into passive form by adding a small morphological element; ¢¡ (reru ) or Ÿ¢¡ (rareru ) in the end of the verb stem. The second one keeps the verb in the nominative case as untouched and adding morphological elements both before and after the verb (double affixes), but it only deals with certain types of verb when the verb itself has nothing to be replaced with a new word form of honorifics. This form has its own rules. The following are examples: Figure 4. Passive and Double affixes (Circumfix) In the case of circumfix, there are two different formations for two different types of verb. In Japanese, any verb that begins with an unique individual ending (dictionary form) or ”o (masu ) as ? ”o form? is a standard verb. But if the verb starts with a set of Kanji 1. Passive forme (iku ) to go = a - ¢¡ (ika-reru ) The boss goes to US this month (Passive form) Shacho wa kongetsu amerika ni ikareru 2. Double affixes (cricumfix)` /j + verb(normative case) + �€¡ or €k¡ w±w”o (mochimasu ) = to bring `w±w�€¡ (O-mochi- ninaru ) YgUm”o (Shokai-shimasu ) = to introduce jYgU€k¡ (Go -shokai- nasaru ) ‰NbVm”o (Denwa-shimasu ) = to call `‰NbV€k¡ (O-denwa- nasaru ) �23

characters without any other hiragana in the end, this type verb is known as ? o¡ (suru ) type?. Suru type verb are made of a noun with Suru , to do, added at the end; ãE6o¡ (benky ō suru) - to study. The verb €k¡ /€kZ”o is the honorific forms of o¡ /m”o in Sonkeigo . ( ` / j ) is a prefix that is added to some words to show respect. In order to determine whether ` or j is used, the speaker will have to learn it individually, as there is no set of pattern for suru form verbs. The verb ?to bring?, is slightly different; compare the example of verb with suru form. This is because the verb starts with standard verb. Hence, the suffix will be �€¡ . Technically, it is seen as two different elements; proposition and verb, but in this case, it is seen as one morphological part. Kenj ōgo is translated as ?the form of humble language?. The principle of this is similar to Sonkeigo . They are both used when dealing with a superior or people with high social position. However, instead of giving respect, Kenjogo is more a polite form that is used to humble the speaker before the opponent. According to Miura and McGloin (1994), Kenj ōgo is divided into two categories which are; Kenj ōgo and Teich ōgo . Teich ōgo is seen as a secondary form in Kenj ōgo because primarily, it is more appropriate to show politeness based on the topic and the person that is being engaged in the conversation (Koyama 2004, Burdelski 2010). Fortunately, there are not many morphological requirements to be remembered as there are options that can be selected. The difference is that Kenj ōgo is directly involved with the action or things of the superior, but the Teich ōgo is not. Kasper (1990) explains that every speaker has a social act in language due to the formality and politeness of given conversation. However, �24

speaker may or may not consciously aware of the person they are talking about and instead of expressing the politeness to their listener. In this case, politeness may be overly used, and may cause misunderstandings for the listener. Therefore, knowing the circumstance, and being able to interpersonally respect the listener?s statues is a big challenge of Kenj ōgo . The honorific variation of Kenj ōgo in this case literally has two options: whether the action is directly involved in the superior?s action, or not. Take the verb ?to go? for example: if speaker?s action is directly involve to superior, then it will become ‘\ (Ukagau ); but if not it will become G¡ (Mairu ), which is Teich ōgo (Miura & McGloin 1994) . Figure 5.1. Kenjogo Part 1 Technically, only the common verb has a specific form in both Kenj ōgo and Teich ōgo . As for those do not, they share the same principle as Sonkeigo which is double affixes, only this time the suffix will be �Œo (itasu )/o¡ (suru ) and k¸e (itadaku ). When the verb is transformed with affixes, it represents both Kenj ōgo and Teich ōgo . In other words, the speaker does not need to consider the action of the listener. 1. e → ‘\ (The action is directly involved with superior) Employee: Hello Boss, I will go to your house tonight Shacho, watashi wa konban otaku ni ukagaimasu 2. e → G¡ (The action is not involved with superior) Employee: Hello Boss, I went to Germany last week, it was fun. Shacho, watashi wa senshu Doitsu ni mairimashita �25

Figure 5.2. Kenj ōgo Part 2 The purpose of the Kenj ōgo is to show respect to the listener(superior) by lowering the position of the speaker. As a result, verbs that indicate the action of the speaker themselves cannot corresponded to any Kennj ōgo as a way of showing humbleness. e.g. - {– (yasumu ) to rest, due to the morphological changes. The suffix k¸e (itadaku ) is a humble form for ˜Ÿ\ (morau ) which is used to indicate to receive a action or thing from the superior. Generally, k¸e or ˜Ÿ\ appear in the sentence, they also require the particle � (ni) to indicate where did the speaker receive the action or thing from. The followings are the examples. Figure 5.3. Kenj ōgo Part 3 1. vÃw”o = to wait → ` -vÃw -m”o /�Œm”o Shacho wo o machi itashite / shite imasu = I am waiting for boss2. YgUm”o = to introduce → j -YgU -m”o /�Œm”o Minasan ni atarashi doryo wo go shokai shimasu / itashimasu = I introduce the new co-woker to everyone1.Receiving a thing from some one I got the money from the boss ˆþ�`¨Zuvc”mu Shacho ni okane wo itadakimashita 2.Receiving an action from some one‡kY�o¡ (renraku ) = to contact 4 ‡kY�o¡ → j - ‡kY� - k¸e I was contacted by the boss ˆþ�j‡kY�Zuvc”mu Shacho ni go - renraku - itadakimashita �26

Lastly, Teineigo is the standard form that express general politeness. The typical features of Teineigo are the suffixes ”o (masu ) for verbs (e.g c”o Ikimasu ) and } o (desu ) for nouns, adjectives and verbs (Tanaka 2011). Generally, the verbs in dictionary form, e (Iku ), are not seen as formal or polite as in Teineigo , which is also known as the Desu-Masu form. The study by Shin (2004) indicates that when Japanese speakers meet for the first time, they tend to keep the entire conversation formal and without any offence by using the Teineigo for the whole time; even if the speech becomes complicated, they still keep using it. Although Teineigo is less respectful than Sonkeigo or Kenj ōgo , it is still the best way to keep good personal relations with other people of equal status at work.In the case of not knowing S onkeigo or Kenj ōgo, or learning them for the first time, Teineigo is the best way to leave a good first impression. Furthermore, when speakers are gradually getting to know each other better, Teineigo provides an initial support to deepen their relation. Even when they use Sonkeigo or Kenj ōgo to superiors, Teineigo makes the the listeners feel that the speakers are very friendly and respectful (Sirado, Marumoto, Murata & Isahara 2011, Tsuda 2010). �27

The following are the examples of contrast between dictionary forms and Desu- Masu forms ( Teineigo ). 
Ta b l e 6 . Examples of Teineigo Polite Impolite Nous - \ (hon ) - book i¢…}o This is booki¢…v This is bookAdjectives -
ñZ (hayai ) - fast 4 eŽS (€ ) ( majime ) - serious æ…
ñZ}o The dog is fast ‚…eŽS}o He is seriousæ…
ñZ The dog is fast ‚…eŽSv He is seriousVerb - ¢¡ (tsukuru ) - to make
Vj¨¢ ”o Make sushi
Vj¨¢¡ Make sushi�28

Chapter 3 - Experience and The Practical Methodology in Learning and Using Keigo The previous two chapters introduced the historical background, the structures and the use of Keigo . In Chapter three I will explore how second language learners use and learn Keigo . I will discuss the general result of the survey. Then I will discuss the preferred methodologies that are most suitable for non-native learners to learn and use Keigo . 3.1 The Survey Data Collection Firstly, I made a set of survey forms that questioned examined second/foreign learners? experience of learning Japanese and using Keigo . The target-participants for this survey were the former and current participants of JET members who had or have been working in Japan, as well as other people who have experiences of learning and using Keigo . The survey form, along with the consent form and other additional information regarding my research, were sent or handed as electronic and hard copy to people who are in charge of Japanese English Teaching alumni association (JETAA) in Wellington. This data was collected over five weeks. After sending away the research survey forms, I was expecting about twenty to thirty responses. However, unfortunately, there were not many responses from the JET alumni, as most of them only have experiences of using Japanese in general and casual conversation with their friends or classroom teacher s. Most responses were from who are working, or have worked in Japan. �29

3.2 The Results of The Survey After completing the data collection, I discovered that most participants have had only the experience in learning Keigo , even if they have been to Japan before. Only a few actually used Keigo in the workplace in Japan. There were also serval common traits which many of these participants shared, in terms of learning and using Keigo (see appendix 2). Firstly, many of them have partial experiences of working and living in Japan, so they have a strong foundation and awareness of using Keigo . Some do not have such experience or awareness, as they only learnt and used Keigo at university or other circumstances. But they agreed that it does require a long time and practice to really understand the concept of using Keigo . Secondly, many of the participants state that the hardest thing to learn in Keigo are the concepts and rules of Keigo , particularly its application in different situations. This is because they had only learned and practiced the basics for a very short time at educational institutions with teachers or tutors. Apart from that, they said that they barely had an opportunity to use it in reality. Because of the lack of opportunity to use it, respondents rarely continued to use, or learn Keigo . Hence, they could only rely on self-study with relevant texts or references, or through Japanese media to sustain their fundamental knowledge of Keigo . On the other hand, those who have worked and lived in Japan stated that it took them a long time to get used to using Keigo in reality. Although they all had years of experience in learning and using Japanese, the key concepts of Keigo were something that even they found really difficult. Overall, the results from all the participants was enough for me to draw the following conclusions, although I am aware of the Implication of such a small sample size. �30

3.3 The Morphological Variation of Keigo and Learners? Adaptability in Reality Practice According to the survey results, all the participants agreed that the concepts of Keigo and its application in various situations was very difficult and challenging. In their answers, some respondents pointed out that Keigo has many morphological variations in prefixes or suffixes that users need to be aware of. Additionally, certain forms can only be applied and used in a particular situation. Such highly complex use requires a long period of constant practice. Cook (2008) states that Japanese honorific forms ( Keigo ) are different from the standard Desu-masu form, as they deal with circumstances in reality involving manner and social hierarchy, and require learners to practice them mostly in actual conversations. Cook(2008: 19) describes Keigo as a replacement of the grammatical items to change the formality of the sentences. When foreigners learn Japanese Keigo for the first time, they are not fully prepared to adopt such a complicated new principle. Therefore, they choose to rely on what they know about how to start a general conversation with the grammar they know. Even after they have reached to an advanced level of Japanese proficiency, second language learners may still care less about the formality, but the accuracy of their sentences. However, as mentioned in Chapter One, Japanese people take formality very seriously in their society. If foreign learners do not increase their cultural awareness, it could truly put them in a very bad situation when living or working in Japan. �31

3.4 Segmental Awareness and Mental Rotation In any language, the key point of conducting a good conversation is that both speaker and listener have to have a good segmental awareness during the conversation (Mattingly 1987). There is always a key part which exists within the morphological structure of the sentence as a kind of mental rotation to help learners to do their practice in reading, writing, speaking and listening. The study by Elbro & Arnbak (1996) stated that the purpose of morphology is not only to increase learners? ability to spell words, but also works as a substantial way to help learners to be aware of language behaviours, and variation. In Keigo ?s case, the level of formality is built based on morphological variation within the sentence. Generally, foreign learners must first learn the formality of morphological variation for each category of Sonkeigo , Kenj ōgo , and Teineigo , then build a recognition of which forms apply to which situation or referent. When segmental awareness is built, learners will start applying such awareness as the supportive memory in using Keigo . This includes things like who are the referent and what is the topic. When learners reach a full capacity for the first time during practice, the memories will temporarily remain in learners? brain. Later on these memories will need to be triggered over and over again, in order for learners to function properly in real world situations. At this stage, the segmental awareness works to stimulate the learners? awareness of Keigo and retain the information through practice in reading, writing, listening, and speaking. Without such awareness, it is impossible to make Keigo concepts a part of conversational language proficiency. However, due to the lack of opportunities for second language learners to practice Keigo in conversations, as seen in the results of the survey, most of the participants continue their Keigo study only through Japanese classes or self-study. In other words, their skills and practices were unbalanced. They may be good at using Keigo in reading �32

and writing, but not in listening and speaking because they lack opportunities to strengthen their mental awareness by using Keigo in conversations. Schmidt (1995) and Maynard (1991) state that when learning a language through conversation in a pair or a group, both the speaker and the listener need to use the same level of language, in order to balance the usage to practice the target word or structure, in order to learn them in listening and speaking. Furthermore, Loveday (1986) also states that one must directly code the message to support the other to respond with the same coding of the message (e.g formality in circumstances) as a constant psychological routine. Therefore, both of them speaker and listener can use Keigo more accurately with confidence in a range of circumstances, without intentionally going back to stored memory, so that they may gain a full control when they use Keigo . 3.5 The Practical Methodology of Learning and Mastering Keigo Sections 3.2 and 3.3 of this chapter discussed the issues and problems which foreign/second language learners encounter in learning and using Keigo . In this section, I will list the useful Keigo learning methods based on the participants? suggestions for learning and improving Keigo . Firstly, the participants claimed that the hardest thing to learn in Keigo is its concept and application. Secondly, because of the lack of opportunity to use Keigo , it was almost impossible for them to improve their use of Keigo . Therefore, the participants suggested the helpful methods that can help learners to improve their use of Keigo such as; be brave to constantly use Keigo in the conversation, or keep practicing and using Keigo with tutor and teacher for a full use (see appendix 2). �33

According to their suggestions, most of them still encouraged learners to be brave and constantly practice their Keigo with native speakers or school teachers and tutors, or to go to Japan to work and live there to get some real experience. 3.6 Constant Conversation After Self-Study The studies by Nagara (1976) and Matsumoto and Okamoto (2003), stated that the social relationships and feelings between the speaker and the listener are crucial for utilising Keigo as they have to have inner feelings to experience how the level of respect of Keigo language works, so that they deal with the target situation without offending the listener, since Keigo is built upon Japanese culture. Based on their theory, they suggest that foreign learners must learn and understand the inner feelings of using each honorific form by experiencing the social relations with teachers or speakers during the conversation practice. Apart from understanding formality in written context, it is also very important to distinguish the difference between the informal and the formal language in real life. This refers to what my research participants suggested, which was to take every opportunity to speak to native speakers in Keigo (Tao 2010: 41). Carroll (2005) and Walker (2011) also claimed that, in order to fully express the aspect of Keigo in a conversation accurately, it is necessary to get involved with native speakers who have prior experience and knowledge of Keigo . This will ensure that second language learners learn the difference between the standard and honorific Japanese speech. Because it helps to increase the self-awareness and the inner feelings toward Japanese culture, but also to beautify their expressions. After all language learning is all about understanding Japanese culture by applying the most appropriate form in one particular situation (Wenger 1982: 65). �34

3.7 Online Media and Traditional Japanese Classical Literature Most participants suggested that constantly practicing Keigo with native speakers is the best way to improve their Keigo . However, in noticing and distinguishing the speech style, one participant suggested reading Japanese classic literature, and another one suggested watching online videos concerning Keigo in Japanese culture and society. This survey showed it is not enough for foreign/second language learners to simply improve their Keigo knowledge before practicing their conversion in Keigo . Although learning Keigo with Japanese classical literature such as Gen nji Monogatari may help foreigners to understand Japanese in a written context, it may not help foreigners to get the key-points of interactional Japanese communication, as it is more likely to be related to things of fiction which are hardly used in reality (Kindaichi & Hirano 1988). Clark (1999) found that utilising online media such as films and video clips of Keigo is more likely to provide foreign/second learners an opportunity for studying beyond mere concepts. Since Keigo is an essential aspect of politeness in Japanese language and culture, it is also important to look at other markers of Japanese. These include body gestures, facial expressions, voice pitch, and timing (Okamoto 1999, Shirakawa 2008) , as Japanese people convey politeness in both in verbal and body language. Foreign/second learners with few opportunities to practice their Keigo skills with native speakers may find it difficult to understand Japanese culture simply with Keigo learning and knowledge (Jorden 1980). Clark (1999) also claimed that what foreign/second language learners learn in the textbooks are merely a half portrayal of Japanese culture. In other words, it is not enough simply just to learn Keigo without going beyond this scenario of textbooks. �35

In such a case, film and media are the best materials to help foreign/second language learners to understand more about how Keigo is performed in different circumstances. Furthermore, Barke (2011) also found that the use of media like Japanese drama or film is a good way to help foreign/second language learners to mitigate the disadvantage caused by a lack of opportunities for learning and understanding Japanese culture. Since foreign/second language learner can imitate the language behaviours from the films and dramas, which would help them to manage and control their language behaviours (Haugh 2003), they may able to pre-practice their human relation skills with Keigo , to avoid the unpleasant situations, because the media are more accessible than actual practises with native speakers. Limitation I was able to find the specific details concerning how Keigo was formed and used by Japanese people, as well as what a foreign/second language should do to master it. However, I was not able to get enough data from the participants for my research survey. If I could, I might have more relevant information of how foreign/second language learners learn and use Keigo , in addition to better suggestions for learning Keigo . Overall, the research covered all the crucial points which I wanted to introduce. �36

Conclusion I have analysed the historical background and the concept, structure of Keigo , and discussed the practical methodology for foreign/second learners who is learning Keigo based on the results of my research survey. I do find the suggestions from the participants to be useful in learning Keigo . Clearly, it is challenging for foreigners to learn and use Keigo effectively, as it takes years to mater. This being said, Keigo is a representation of Japanese society and culture. Since the honorific language itself requires foreign/second language learners to spend a long period of time in cultural perspectives and understanding, they also need to constantly cultivate their sociocultural knowledge at the same time as they study and learn Keigo through textbook or media. As a foreign language learner of Japanese language, I can say that I will still need to constantly use such honorific forms often, in order to maintain my knowledge and experience of Keigo to communicate harmoniously with native speakers in various situations. Moreover, it is critical to notice our mistakes in using Keigo and rectify those mistakes, so that we will not create bad impressions before Japanese people or in Japanese society. �37

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Appendix 1 
 
from : Miura, A., & McGloin, N. H. (1994). An integrated approach to intermediate Japanese. Japan Times. J uu§x‡b (Honorifics) bùcOb (Humble expressions) ßCb (Polite language) bùcObßÿbz\`ym™4 (¡rìZ”o ) ©mäh ( ¡rì”o ) ©o ©m”ozZ”oeZŸym™4 (¡rìZ”o ) ‘ ( 
ìZ”o ) G¡ G ”oc”ov¡ZŸym™4 (¡rìZ”o ) `aŽ^�4 (€¡r쀠”o ) ‘ ( 
ìZ”o ) G¡ G ”ov”oZ¡ZŸym™¡4 (¡rìZ”o ) `¡ rì ` ”o Z”oo¡€k¡4rì4€kZ”oZuo4rì4Zum”oZuo rì Zum”o m”o‰ì�¡_mäb4 (¡rì ”o ) Zuv ( erìc”o ) Zuv ( erìc”o ) ‰ì�”o‰ö–_mäb4 (¡rì ”o ) `‰ö•�4 (€¡r쀠”o ) Zuv ( erìc”o ) Zuv ( erìc”o ) ‰ö•”oaŽ¡j‘í�4 (€¡r쀠”o ) GjaŽ4 ( o¡rìm”o ) aŽ”o€¡e`€¡c�4 (€¡r쀠”o ) ‘ ( \ rì ‘Z”o ) `€¡c4 (o¡rìm”o ) €¡c”o\`Z�4 (€¡r쀠”o ) `S�aa4 (¡rì ”o ) `Z4 (o¡rìm”o ) Z”o
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näh| (Z¡rì` ”o )
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Appendix 2 Age Gender Years of learning Japanese Where did you start learning Japanese Keigo ? Worked in Japan ? If Yes, under which company ? Before you go to Japan, did you learn Keigo already ? How often do you use Keigo ? Where and whom do you use Keigo ? In what situation do you use Keigo ? Do you still use keigo ? Do you think Keigo is hard to understand ? Male = x2Female = x7Under 10 years = 5Over 10 years = 4Japanese class at university = x5Self-study = x5Through Japanese media / society where I live and work = x3Private Japanese school in Japan = x1Keiko seminar at work = x0Yes = x7No = x2JET program = x1Working holiday = x1Private company (others) = x5Yes = x6No = x3Always = x 2Sometimes = x4Hardly = x2Never = x1At school with teacher = x5At work with colleague = x5At home with family members, if they understand it = x1Communicating with customer and superior = x3Communicating with friends = x 1Writing email or letter = x 1Participating conference or seminar = x1 Never = x 2Yes = x7No = x2Yes = x 2No = x 518~15= x426~30 = x131~40 = x141~55 = x3

Do you think Keigo is hard to learn ? What is the hardest thing to learn in Keigo ? Suggestions of learning and mastering Keigo : (Numbers = the participants) Yes = x 6No = x 3The rule, concept and grammatical variation = x 5The application of each category based on the target opponent and situation = x3The length of the words, it can be quite hard to pronounce all at once = x1To creating a habit to use it constantly = x 11Study the Godandoshi (5 variation of Japanese verb), and the spoken and non-spoken language Study Keigo and the body posture(manner) that ?ts the situation at the same time 2Keep practicing and using Keigo with tutors and teachers 3Use Keigo more often in the conversion than ever 4Study harder in Keigo ?s grammatical variation, and the concept 5Be diligent to constantly use it in the daily life 6Work and live in Japan for real. Constantly talk with Japanese people with Keigo 7Read more Japanese classic literature8Be brave to constantly use Keigo in the conversation 9Listening or watching video clips of how Keigo is used in the real life

Appendix 3 Japanese Honorific forms ( Keigo ) in Second/Foreign language learning INFORMATION SHEET FOR PARTICIPANTS Thank you for your interest in this project. Please read this information before deciding whether or not to take part. If you decide to participate, thank you. If you decide not to take part, thank you for considering my request. Who am I? My name is Caleb Lee, and I am a Masters student in second language learning and teaching at Victoria University of Wellington. This research project is a work toward my thesis. What is the aim of the project? I aim to find effective method to help second/foreign learners of Japanese to acquire and adopt Japanese honorific forms ( Keigo ) with proper sociocultural understanding for the purpose of living and working in Japan. To acquire my data, I intend to survey former participants of the JET and the Working Holiday programs in Wellington. This research has been approved by the Victoria University of Wellington Human Ethics Committee [provide approval number]. How can you help? If you agree to participate in the research, please sign the content form and fill in the attached survey, then return it to me directly at a J- Kaiwa session or sent it back to me by email. As it is voluntary, please feel free to leave out any questions that you do not wish to answer. The answers from the surveys will be used anonymously in my research thesis. If you have any questions, please do not hesitate to contact me. What will happen to the information you give? This research is confidential. I will not name you in any sections in my thesis, and I will not include any information that would identify you. Only my supervisors and I will read the survey. The surveys will be kept securely and destroyed after 6 months. What will the project produce? The information from my research will be used in my Master thesis. You will not be identified in my research. I may also use the results of my research for conference presentations, and academic reports. I will take care not to identify you in any presentation or report.

If you accept this invitation, what are your rights as a research participant? Yo u d o n o t h a v e t o a c c e p t t h i s i n v i t a t i o n i f y o u d o n ? t w a n t t o . I f y o u d o d e c i d e t o participate, you have the right to: ? choose not to answer any question; ? ask any questions about the study at any time; ? agree on another name for me to use rather than your real name; ? be able to read any reports of this research by emailing the researcher to request a copy . ? Withdraw from the research by sending me an email up to 3 weeks after the survey and all information that you have provided will be destroy If you have any questions or problems, who can you contact? If you have any questions, either now or in the future, please feel free to contact either: Human Ethics Committee information If you have any concerns about the ethical conduct of the research you may contact the Victoria University HEC Convener: Associate Professor Susan Corbett. Email susan.corbett@vuw.ac.nz or telephone +64-4-463 5480.Student: Name: Shan-Hung (Caleb) Lee leeshan@myvuw.ac.nz Supervisor: Name: Dr. Kaya Oriyama Role: Lecturer School: Languages and Cultures Phone: 04- 463 - 6466 kaya.oriyama@vuw.ac.nz

Appendix 4

Appendix 5 Japanese Honorific forms ( Keigo ) in Second/Foregone Language learning CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCHThis consent form will be held for 6 months . Researcher: Shan-Hung (Caleb) Lee ? I have read the information s heet and the project has been explained to me. My questions have been answered to my satisfaction. I understand that I can ask further questions at any time. I understand that: ? I may withdraw from this study up to 3 weeks after the survey, and any information that I have provided will be returned to me or destroyed. ? The information I have provided will be destroyed 6 months after completion of the research . ? Any information I provide will be kept confidential to the researcher and the supervisor. I understand that the results will be used for a Masters thesis and a summary of the results may be presented at conferences. ? I will be able to review what I wrote in the survey if I contact the researcher. ? My name will not be used in any reports, nor will any information that would identify me. ? I would like to receive a copy of the ?nal report and add my email address below. Yes □ No □ Signature of participant: ________________________________ Name of participant: ________________________________ Date: ________________________________ Contact email address: _________________________________

Appendix 6 Section 1 - General information 1. Age: ☐ 18~25 ☐ 26~30 2. Gender: ☐ Male ☐ Female ☐ Other:________ 3. How long have you been studying Japanese?: ________ 4. Where did you start learning Japanese?: ________ 5. How long did you stay and work in Japan?: ________ 6. Under what program or organisation did you work in Japan? ☐ Working holiday ☐ JET ☐ Other: ________________ 7. Where were you working in Japan? (city & prefecture): ________________ 8. Name of the company you were working with: ______________ 9. Please briefly explain your work experience (details of your job & people you worked with) ________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________ Section 2 - Experience of learning and using Keigo 1. Before going to Japan, did you learn Japanese Keigo ? ☐ Yes ☐ No 2. At work in Japan, how often did you use Keigo ? ☐ Always ☐ Sometimes ☐ Hardly ☐ Never 3. In what sort of situations/places? ____________ 4. Do you still use Keigo ? ☐ Yes ☐ No If so, how often? ☐ Always ☐ Sometimes ☐ Hardly 5. Where did you start learning Keigo ? ☐ Japanese class at university ☐ Thorough Japanese media ☐ Private Japanese school in Japan ☐ Keigo seminar at work ☐ Self-study 6. Where and with whom did you start using Keigo ? ☐ at school with teacher ☐ at work with colleague ☐ at home with family members ( Please continue in the next page )

7. Do you think that Keigo is hard to learn? ☐ Yes ☐ No 8. Do you think that Keigo is hard to understand? ☐ Yes ☐ No 9. What would you say is/are the most difficult thing(s) about Keigo ? ____________ 10. Lastly, if you have any particularly good tips for second/foreign learners of Japanese on how they can learn and use Keigo better, please share them below. ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________ Thank you for completing the survey.